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Posts Tagged ‘United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)’

In Nepal PM Modi failed to break with the past

Posted by chimeki on August 6, 2014

Courtesy: Business Standart

Courtesy: Business Standard

Despite beginning his speech in Nepali, acknowledging Lumbini as Gautam Buddha’s birthplace and reuniting Jeet Bahadur with his family, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Nepal visit was an absolute failure in terms of everything India wanted to see him achieve. People in India as well as Nepal expected from PM Modi that he would break with the old tradition in India-Nepal relationship where Nepal always has to play younger brother role and usher it in an era of equality opportunity. Sadly, as at home he couldn’t deliver abroad.

His maiden speech in the Constituent Assembly of Nepal was worst ever speech by a visiting head of any country in any host country. It was more of a sermon than a clear cut diplomatic statement, which every one rightly expected.

PM Modi was expected to fill the holes which consecutive Indian governments had dig in in Indo-Nepal relationship but he, like his predecessor Dr. Manmohan Singh, ended up adding more!

Narendra Modi did well to begin his speech in Nepali but failed to keep the momentum. Initially it appeared that he was one who was free of big brother syndrome, which Indian leaders generally carry, but two-three sentence later he shed his mask of humility and started coaching Nepali parliamentarians on his favorite topics: religion, history, management and mostly importantly himself!

What India badly needed in Nepal was an image makeover. For whatever India does in Nepal is always seen with suspicion. Suspecting everything India does in Nepal is the default setting in a Nepali mind. So PM would have done better if he would have come out of his election mode and talked business. After all he wasn’t there to influence voters!

The first blunder that Modi made was to unnecessarily evoke gods to describe Nepal’s relevance. Doing that, he ignored the feelings of non-Hindu population of that country. He wasted many minutes of his 45-minute long speech to explain how his coming from Somnath and winning election from Kashi (Varanasi) brought him closer to Pashupati (Nepal)! Further he wrongly claimed that 125 crore Indians want to visit Pashupatinath temple!

In his enthusiasm to impress or impress upon Nepali parliamentarians, half of whom are Communists, he forgot to minus Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Dalits and other minorities of India and Nepal from that number who are barred from entering the elite temple. In the gate of the temple it is written in bold, ‘Non-Hindus are not allowed inside the temple premise’! Moreover, even Nepalis do not relate themselves to Pashupatinath. It is Gautam Buddha who is the real national symbol in Nepal. Ask any Nepali there, the first thing he would like a tourist to see in Nepal is Lumbini, the birth place of Buddha. PM Modi would have done better by congratulating Nepal on becoming a secular democratic country.

It is again a diplomatic blunder to try teaching leaders of host countries what they should be doing. In half of his speech he did this. To add on to it, he told the members of the Constituent Assembly that they didn’t know what they were actually doing! He spoke as if those men and women didn’t understand the meaning of constitution writing. Once he even said, ‘you think you are doing this but actually you are doing that’.

The PM would have really done well had he talked about the process of Indian constitution writing. It was an opportune moment to remember Dr BR Ambedkar, the architect of Indian Constitution, and the challenges he had to overcome to write it. And, also what features of Indian constitution played important role to keep India stable and on the path of social justice. It would have definitely given the Nepali law makers some food for thought. But our PM ignorantly mixed modern constitution with the ancient Hindu texts! Rather suggesting them to have saintly and priestly mind, he could have suggested them to have scientific and rational attitude.

It makes one wonder if our PM really don’t know anything beyond the Ganges, gods, Hindu religion and of course himself. He didn’t once mention any great Nepali leader or literary figure. Compare his speech with the US President Barak Obama’s in the Indian Parliament and readers can easily spot the differences. President Obama spoke about Mahatma Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore. He evoked both to highlight the importance of equality, human dignity and social justice. In contrast PM Modi could only stereotype Nepalis as shedding blood in India’s wars and belonging to the country of Lord Pashupatinath. President Obama genuinely recalled the roles of his predecessors in building relationship with India. PM Modi, in contrast, negated the roles played by the likes of Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, IK Gujral and others in bringing India and Nepal closer. It wouldn’t have left bad a taste had he talked about Jayaprakash Narayan, Chandra Shekhar, VP Singh and other Indian leaders who always associated themselves with Nepal’s democratic movements and who Nepali people still fondly remember. But no, Modi can’t do this. His ego is too big to see anything beyond himself. With this attitude, Modi will never achieve what he intends to achieve. He can never be the South Asia’s leader he aims to become and who the region badly needs.

V.S.
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Bhattarai Defeated, Prachanda In Full Control Of UCPN(M)

Posted by chimeki on May 8, 2014

baburamThe national convention of the United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) held in Biratnagar ended in a humiliating defeat for its influential leader Dr Baburam Bhattarai. The convention, which was aimed at strengthening the party by resolving the differences between its two big leaders Pushpa Kamal Dahal aka Prachanda and Baburam Bhattarai only aggravated the situation and exposed, once again, fissures in the party. Bhattarai has been completely sidelined and it is now certain that Prachanda will continue to enjoy the absolute authority in the party.

Many of Bhattarai’s old friends and associates left him in the lurch to join the ultimate winner of the years’ old battle for party’s control. Prachanda once again proved that when it comes to settling scores with his rivals he is as merciless as his idol Jung Bahadur Rana of Nepal.

After the second Constituent Assembly election last November, in which the party performed poorly, Bhattarai’s loyalists have been pressurizing Prachanda to step down from the top post. Often Bhattarai used public space to make his point.. His opinion that there was a need of new force, expressed in Kantipur Daily, was seen as a direct challenge to Prachanda’s authority.

Bhattarai also tried to forge alliance with another powerful but disgruntled leader Narayan Kaji Shrestha to win majority in the party’s central committee. Had he succeeded the alliance would have balanced the power and forced Prachanda to heed to Bhattarai’s demand. But Shreshta, a newcomer, proved himself to be too weak to keep a check on his loyalists.

In the convention Prachanda proposed the Central Committee, CC, that he will always keep him in majority. In the new 99 member CC there are less than 30 members from Bhattarai and Shrestha factions! After a long time Prachanda has gained an upper hand in the party. This is reflecting in his body language too. In a press conference after the convention, he spoke with the confidence of a supreme leader. He told journalists that ‘he will give important position to Bhattarai’.

Later, speaking at the inaugural ceremony of party’s mouthpiece Prasthan, Prachanda told the gathering that he had promoted Bhattarai to the party’s highest committee with the view that it would benefit party but it proved to be a mistake. Prahanda further humiliated Bhattarai by telling people that the old communist leaders and cadres had advised him not to elevate Bhattarai beyond district committee!

The sudden turn of the event had come as a shock to Bhattarai and his loyalists. In June 2012 the UCPNM split vertically. The party watchers thought that the development would make Bhattarai stronger for had long represented the line of multi-party democracy and peaceful struggle for socialism against hardliners’ line of ‘people’s revolt’ to establish socialism.

Initially both Prachanda and Bhattarai saw the split as a boon as it gave them the opportunity to take party out of the ‘People’s War’ mode. The immediately held Hetauda convention endorsed the line of ‘peaceful road to Socialism in Nepal’. The party declared that its basic goal was to promote economic growth.

The convention also led to the formation of Chief Justice Khil Raj Regmi’s caretaker or impartial government to hold Constituent Assembly election. The party had imagined a bigger victory in the election. However the result showed that it had exaggerated its strengthen. The party lost badly and ended up being the number 3 party in the Constituent Assembly.

Since then Bhattarai and Prachanda never saw eye to eye. Bhattarai never missed opportunity to show Prachanda his place. Bhattarai thought that Prachanda had lost his appeal amongst the cadre and it was matter of time when curtain would fell on him. However Bhattarai poorly judged his own strength in the party. No doubt he is more acceptable to the urban population of Nepal than Prachanda but organizationally he is very weak. He failed to realise that the split has weakened him further for there was no one to support him organizationally. Previously, Mohan Baidya ‘Kiran’ had come to his rescue whenever Prachanda wanted to ‘penalize’ him for his ‘mistake’.

Wisely, judging the way the wind was blowing his known loyalists like Dinanath Sharma and Ram Karki left him to side with Prachanda.

By reading Bhattarai statements after the convention it can be said that he understands that his is the lost case. There is no way Bhattarai can challenge Prachanda. Even if he tries, it would not be consequential and only make Prachanda’s work easy. He must have realised that hitherto Prachanda kept him in good term to resist hardliners. With the hardliners, Bhattarai’s relevance in the party too had gone.

V.S.

(First published in the Citizen, 8 May 2014)

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क्यों हारे माओवादी

Posted by chimeki on March 8, 2014

Courtesy: BBC News

Courtesy: BBC News

नेपाल संविधान सभा चुनाव 2013 के अब तक आए परिणामों से यह बात तय है कि पिछली संविधान सभा की सबसे बड़ी पार्टी एकीकृत कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी (माओवादी) को तीसरे स्थान पर संतोष करना पड़ेगा. हालांकि माओवादी पार्टी अपनी ‘हार’ को स्वीकार करने से कतरा रही है, लेकिन अब वह उस स्थिति में नहीं है कि दवाब डालकर कोई समझौता करने के लिए दूसरी बड़ी पार्टियों नेपाली कांग्रेस और नेपाल कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी (एमाले) को मजबूर कर सके.

चुनाव में धांधली का आरोप लगाकर हार के गम को गटका तो जा सकता है, लेकिन पार्टी के भविष्य को लेकर उठने वाले सवालों से बचा नहीं जा सकता. यदि धांधली का उसका दावा सही भी है, तो भी कम से कम माओवादी पार्टी को परिणाम को खारिज करने को कोई नैतिक अधिकार नहीं है. इस बार के संविधान सभा चुनाव की जल्दबाजी माओवादी पार्टी को थी. पार्टी के प्रधानमंत्री ने पिछली संविधान सभा को भंग किया, पार्टी के ही अध्यक्ष ने मुख्य न्यायाधीश की अध्यक्षता में चुनावी सरकार के गठन में सबसे अहम भूमिका निभाई. यहां तक कि इस सरकार के गठन का प्रस्ताव प्रचण्ड का ही था. इसी पार्टी ने चुनाव बहिष्कार करने वाले समूह की हर मांग की अनदेखी कर उन्हें चुनाव में शामिल होने से रोका. पार्टी की मान्यता यह रही कि यदि मोहन वैद्य ‘किरण’ के नेतृत्व वाली पार्टी ने चुनाव में हिस्सा लिया, तो उसके वोट प्रतिशत में सेंध लगेगी.

चुनाव परिणाम को जितना अप्रत्याशित दिखाने का प्रयास किया जा रहा है, उतना अप्रत्याशित वह है नहीं. माओवादी पार्टी की आंतरिक बैठकों में बार-बार यह बात होती रही कि पार्टी पहाड़ी क्षेत्रों में अपने पुराने प्रदर्शन को नहीं दोहरा पाएगी. पार्टी कार्यकर्ताओं की रिपोर्ट के आधार पर ही यह तय किया गया कि पहाड़ी क्षेत्र से अधिक तराई पर केन्द्रित होकर चुनाव लड़ा जाए. इसकी वजह यह थी कि पिछले पांच सालों में तराई का मधेस आंदोलन छिन्न-भिन्न हो गया था या कहें कर दिया गया था और पार्टी खुद को मधेसी आंदोलन का जायज उत्तराधिकारी मानकर चल रही थी. पार्टी के कई दिग्गज नेताओं ने पुराने क्षेत्र को अलविदा कहकर तराई से नामाकंन भरा.

अति उत्साह में वह भूल गई कि 1990 से तराई नेपाली कांग्रेस का मजबूत गढ़ रहा है और मधेस आंदोलन के अधिकांश नेता कांग्रेस से ही निकलकर आए हैं. जनयुद्ध के काल में भी तराई में माओवादी पार्टी अपनी तमाम कोशिश के बावजूद कभी पैर नहीं जमा सकी थी. इसलिए मधेस आंदोलन के खत्म हो जाने पर वहां कि जनता ने पुरानी परखी हुई पार्टी को ही वोट देना उचित समझा.

उधर पहाड़ी क्षेत्र में जो जनयुद्ध का आधार था, माओवादी पार्टी की लोकप्रियता तेजी के साथ कम हुई. जनयुद्ध के क्रम में शहादत देने वाली इस क्षेत्र की जनता ने बहुत जल्द ही यह समझ लिया कि पार्टी का नेतृत्व नेपाली क्रांति को संविधान सभा से आगे ले जाना नहीं चाहता. पांच सालों में पार्टी के नेतृत्व ही जो तस्वीर उस के सामने बनी वह उस तस्वीर से बिलकुल अलग थी जो उसने जनयुद्ध के समय देखी थी.

साथ चलने, खाने और हंसने-रोने वाला नेतृत्व जनता के समीप जाने से भी कतराने लगा था. नेता सिर्फ उन्ही दुर्गम क्षेत्रों में जाते थे, जहां तक उनका हेलिकाॅप्टर उन्हें ले जाता. अपने संसदीय क्षेत्रों से अधिक नेताओं ने विदेशी भ्रमण किए, जहां वे हमेशा सपरिवार ही जाते थे. इसी जनता ने ऐसा दवाब बनाया कि पार्टी दो हिस्सों में विभाजित हो गई.

जनयुद्ध के लक्ष्य को हासिल करने के दावे के साथ पार्टी के एक बड़े हिस्से ने प्रचण्ड की अध्यक्षता वाली पार्टी को त्याग दिया. इस विभाजन ने पहाड़ी क्षेत्र से एकीकृत माओवादी पार्टी के पैर उखाड़ दिए. पुराने दौर में पार्टी का गढ़ माने जाने वाले रोल्पा के थवाग गांव में एक भी मत न पड़ना पार्टी के कमजोर हो जाने का सबसे बड़ा सबूत है.

इन दो कारणों के अलावा पार्टी की हार का एक और कारण भी है. पिछले समय में पार्टी में आंतरिक लोकतंत्र को पूरी तरह समाप्त कर दिया गया था. पार्टी के महत्वपूर्ण निर्णय दक्षिण के पड़ोसी को ध्यान में लेकर लिए जा रहे थे. प्रधानमंत्री पद पर बाबुराम भट्टराई के कार्यकाल में भारत और अन्य देशों के साथ ऐसे समझौते हुए, जो खुद पार्टी की लाइन के विपरीत थे. ये सभी समझौते पार्टी में बिना चर्चा किए लिए गए. कई निर्णयों का पार्टी की मीटिंगों में व्यापक विरोध भी हुआ. जनसेना के शिविरों को नेपाली सेना को सौपें जाने के निर्णय के खिलाफ तो स्वयं पार्टी के कार्यकताओं में मशाल जुलूस निकालकर विरोध किया था.

चुनाव से ऐन पहले पार्टी के टिकट बंटवारे की प्रक्रिया में भी पार्टी के नियमों का पालन नहीं किया गया. पुराने कार्यकर्ताओं की कीमत पर पैसे और रसूख वाले नए लोगों को टिकट दिए गए. सैकड़ों पार्टी कार्यकर्ताओं को चुनाव से पहले ही पार्टी ने नाराज हो गए और चुनाव में किसी भी तरह की सक्रिय भूमिका से खुद को अलग कर लिया.

साथ ही टिकट बंटवारे की अलोकतांत्रिक प्रक्रिया ने पार्टी के अंदर तमाम गुट-उपगुट को पैदा किया, जो अन्य पार्टी के प्रत्याशी से अधिक अपनी ही पार्टी के प्रत्याशी को हराने के लिए उत्सुक थे. पार्टी नेतृत्व यह भूल गया कि नेपाल में कार्यकर्ता वोट देता है, जनता नहीं. नेपाल का बहुसंख्य वोटर किसी न किसी पार्टी का सदस्य होता है, इसलिए कार्यकर्ता को नाराज करना हमेशा महंगा पड़ता है.

दूसरी तरफ इस बार के चुनाव परिणाम भारत की कूटनीतिक विफलता भी है. प्रचण्ड के नेतृत्व वाली माओवादी पार्टी के कमजोर होने से मोहन वैद्य ‘किरण’ की लाइन ‘स्वतः’ सही साबित हो जाएगी. नेपाल की राजनीति में हाल में कमजोर हुआ भारत विरोधी स्वर एक बार फिर मुखर हो जाएगा और जल्द ही प्रचण्ड एक बार फिर घोर भारत विरोधी नारों के साथ कार्यकताओं को सम्बोेधित करते नजर आयेंगे. इसके अलावा भारत के माओवादियों को भी इस परिणाम से वैचारिक साहस अवश्य प्राप्त होगा. इस पार्टी के अंदर भी वे आवाजें हाशिए पर चली जाएंगी, जो नेपाल का हवाला देकर संसदीय राजनीति की प्रासंगिकता को साबित करने में लगी थीं. बहुत मुमकिन है कि प्रचण्ड समर्थक इस हार का ठीकरा बाबुराम भट्टराई के सर पर फोड़ें और उन्हे पार्टी से चलता होना पड़े.

थोड़ा सा पीछे जाकर देखें कि संविधान सभा का विघटन बाबुराम के प्रधानमंत्री पद पर रहते हुए हुआ था और इसे बहाना बनाकर हार के लिए उन्हें दोषी ठहराया जा सकता है. बाबुराम के जाने से पार्टी के अंदर भारत समर्थक पक्ष कमजोर हो जाएगा. सबसे दिलचस्प बात है कि किरण समूह के पार्टी से अलग होने के बाद बाबुराम पहले से ही कमजोर हैं. पिछले समय में वैचारिक स्तर पर भीषण मतांतर के बावजूद किरण ने हमेशा बाबुराम के खिलाफ किसी भी कार्रवाही का विरोध किया था. अब जबकि उनके खेमे के लोग चुनाव में हार चुके होंगे, तो उनका वैसे भी कोई खास उपयोगिता पार्टी के लिए नहीं होगी.

मोहन वैद्य ‘किरण’ के नेतृत्व वाली माओवादी पार्टी के बारे में जिन लोगों को यह लग रहा है कि चुनाव का बहिष्कार करने के चलते नेपाल की यह माओवादी पार्टी अप्रासंगिक हो जाएगी, उन्हें एक बार फिर सोचने की जरूरत है. उदार लोकतंत्र का सबसे जरूरी सबक यह है कि विरोधी का सबसे अच्छा स्थान संसद है. संसद से बाहर विरोधी अधिक ताकतवर साबित होता है.

किरण माओवादी पार्टी को निषेध कर चुनाव करने के फलस्वरूप नेपाल की राजनीति में वह सबसे बड़ी ताकत बन गई है. साथ ही, आने वाले दिनों में प्रचण्ड से टूटकर इस पार्टी में शामिल होने की प्रक्रिया को तीव्रता मिलेगी और लोकतांत्रिक बदलाव के तमाम दावों की हवा निकल जाएगी. प्रचण्ड की हार वास्तव में भारत की कूटनीति की एक और पराजय है. ऐसा लगता है कि भारत को गलती करने में मजा आता है. फिर दक्षिण एशिया में तो उसने जहां कहीं भी हाथ डाला है, चीजों को बुरी तरह फंसा दिया है. श्रीलंका, मालद्वीव, बांगलादेश और अब नेपाल भारत की कूटनीति के दिवालियेपन के सबूत हैं.

प्रचण्ड के नेतृत्व वाली पार्टी के लिए आगे का रास्ता लगभग बंद है. वह लौटकर फिर से जनयुद्ध का रास्ता नहीं ले सकती और न ही इस पराजय के बाद खुद को एक रख सकती है. जैसा कि जीत के अतिविश्वास में पार्टी ने अपने ही काडरों को टिकट नहीं दिया और 2008 के बाद पार्टी से जुड़े अधिकांश रसूखदार लोगों को अपने ही कार्यकर्ताओं को विश्वास में लिए बिना टिकट दिया गया.

अब जबकि परिणाम आ गए हैं पार्टी में विद्रोह की आशंका बन रही है. जल्द ही पार्टी कई टुकड़ों में बंट सकती है, लेकिन इससे भी पहले वे लोग जो जीत की आशा के साथ पार्टी में शामिल हुए थे वे पार्टी को अलविदा कह सकते हैं. साथ ही, यदि प्रचण्ड पर हार की नैतिक जिम्मेदारी डालने का प्रयास होता है, तो हो सकता है वे ऐसी मांग करने वालों को पार्टी से खुद ही अलग कर दें.

नेपाल के राजनीतिक भविष्य का अनुमान लगाना हमेशा से ही जोखिम भरा रहा है, लेकिन एक बात तय है कि आने वाले दिनों में वहां का राजनीतिक संकट और गहराएगा. एक बड़ी पार्टी का इस तरह कमजोर होना नेपाल के लोकतांत्रिक भविष्य के लिए भले ही अच्छा संकेत न हो, लेकिन सामाजिक बदलाव की राजनीति करने वालों के ध्रुवीकरण करने में इसकी महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका होगी.

एकीकृत माओवादी पार्टी की हार ने नेपाली जनता के सामने फिर एक बार स्पष्ट कर दिया है कि आमूल परिवर्तन के उसके लक्ष्य के लिए संसदीय रास्ता बहुत दूर तक साथ नहीं दे सकता है और जब तक नेपाल में भारत परस्त पार्टियों का दबदबा है, तब तक बदलाव की उसकी आशा रेगिस्तान में मृग-मरिचिका के समान है. हर बार आधे अधूरे बदलाव ने उसे वहीं लाकर खड़ा कर दिया है, जहां से वह शुरुआत करती है. 1950 से लोकतंत्र और सार्वभौमिकता की लड़ाई लड़ रही नेपाल की एक बार फिर छली गई. यह पराजय संघर्ष की उसकी जीजिविषा को खत्म करती है या तेज यह तो भविष्य तय करेगा, लेकिन यह बात तय है कि उसकी लड़ाई का अगला अध्याय एकीकृत माओवादी पार्टी की हार के साथ आरंभ हो गया है.

(23 नवंबर 2013 को जनपथ और जनज्वार में प्रकाशित )

वि.श.

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Nepal: Back to Square One

Posted by chimeki on December 4, 2013

With the defeat of the Maoist party in Nepal’s Constituent Election the hope for a peaceful-democratic solution of its political and social crises too has suffered a dent. Although the results can hardly be considered as surprising, the outcome will, for sure, have a long term impact on the transformational politics of the Himalayan country. The Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal (UML) emerging as the first and the second largest party once again sent Nepal back to square one. This might not impact the making of the Constitution, rather it may even accelerate the process. However, the results will be a setback to those who thought that a Maoist victory through democratic means would bring about a radical transformation of the society.

The arrival of the Maoist in Nepal’s political map was a watershed event. Ten years of ‘People’s War’ thoroughly changed the power equation at the grass-root level. The movement brought in front the issues hitherto considered irrelevant in the country’s political manoeuvring.

However, post 2013 CA election the political situation has gone back to that of the 1990s because it is the same two parties which had then played the major role in the drafting of the Constitution have taken the lead this time too. And there is no reason to believe they have changed their views in the period between 1990 and 2013. Unlike the Constituent Assembly of 2008, the current one is far from being called a representative Assembly. The facts so far available suggest that the women’s representation in the current Assembly has come down to 10 under FPTP which was 29 in 2008. Overall, the Constituent Assembly of 2008 had 47, 196, 192, 191 representatives from dalits, madhesis, janajatis and women respectively. The madhesi parties, at present scenario, will have no more than 40 seats.

With Maoists losing badly their agenda too will be put on the back seat. Oneo f their major demands was that of the land reform. During the people’s war the Maoists redistributed the land to the poor under the slogan ‘land to the tiller’. This was generally considered a step in the right direction because this was essential for economic development of any kind. After joining the mainstream the Maoists tried to legalise the redistribution process but failed due to lack of political support. On the contrary in the name of abiding by the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, signed between the Maoists and the Seven Party Alliance, they were even forced to give back land ceased from the big landlords. While doing so the Maoists had assured that once the Constitution is written they would ensure revolutionary redistribution of the land. It is generally agreed that without the land reform Nepal will never be able to increase productivity.

According to the available data, 26 per cent of the Nepalese population is landless. Moreover, 10 per cent rich peasants of Nepal own 65 per cent of the Nepal’s total agricultural land.

The next important question that the Maoists tried to address was the question of federalism. Nepal, although a small country situated between two giant neighbours, India and China, consists of many nationalities. The Maoists have proposed creation of 11 autonomous provinces based on ethnic identity, language, economic interrelations, infrastructure development, availability of natural resources and administrative accessibility.  Had they succeeded, Nepal would have moved into an era of inclusivity.

Now that the parties which have often discarded the idea of Constituent Assembly for Nepal have become the largest and the second largest parties the whole idea of an inclusive constitution is shattered. The Nepali Congress and the UML, which was then the biggest party in the collation called United Left Front,  which led the 1990’s movement against the absolute Monarchy have gained almost a two-third majority in the current assembly. Then also these two parties broadly negotiated the constitution’s clauses with then King Birendra. To clear any doubt what so ever, the former Prime Minister and senior leader of UML Madhav Nepal has already suggested that the 1990’s constitution might be issued without the clause for monarchy in it! More or less this is also the position of Nepali Congress.

In this complex time, if the two big parties allow themselves to be swayed by numbers then they are not only ignoring the people’s aspiration but also sowing seeds of future troubles. It is now fallen onto the Nepali Congress and the UML to show that they are committed to the aspiration of Nepalese people for failing to do so will not be healthy for the future of the fledgling democracy. Though the Maoists did not repeat their performance but their agenda of inclusive and participatory democracy is still valid. Likewise the major demands of a revolutionary or land reform and representative federalism shouldn’t also be ignored.

There are several reasons for the Maoists defeat. They lost because they tried to negate the consensual politics. They could not hold hands and walk together. Or perhaps they lost because they did not listen to their own constituency. And if the Nepali Congress and UML act as the Maoists did, they too might meet the same fate in the next Constituent Assembly election!

V.S.

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Maoists: Down and Out in Nepal

Posted by chimeki on December 2, 2013

Courtesy: www.newagebd.com

Photo courtesy: http://www.newagebd.com

In the recently concluded Nepal’s Constituent Assembly (CA) Election, the Maoists were routed. The Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal (UML) reversed their performances, while the United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), UCPNM, the biggest in the previous CA, came a distant third.

The Maoists cannot blame anyone but themselves for the loss. They fell victim to their own doing or not doing anything at all. The leaders turned their backs on the warnings boldly written on the walls. Instead, they painted the walls of unfulfilled promises with new and eloquent slogans. In the process they forgot that they were trying to fool the same people who they themselves trained not to be fooled during the decade long People’s War.

Broadly, there are three main reasons for their poor performance. Firstly, they overestimated their influence in the Terai (plains). In 2007, the region witnessed a big movement for Terai people’s rights. The major force behind the movement was Madhesi Jana Adhikar Forum led by its charismatic leader Upendra Yadav. Upendra Yadav was trained in the Maoist school of politics. A protégé of another big leader of the Madhes, Matrika Yadav, he rose to higher echelon of the Maoist leadership before his sudden fall. In the last phase of the Maoist Movement, he was charged with leaking information about the top leaders’ to Indian intelligence. Nevertheless, he survived the chase. In 2007, Yadav emerged from oblivion as an undisputed leader of the Madhesi people. When the Maoists dropped their arms, his Forum took up arms against them. Same year in March, the Forum activists murdered 27 people, including women, in Gaur. Those killed were mostly the Maoist sympathizers. The massacre served its purpose when the then government sent an invitation for talk. The talk concluded with 22 point agreement which included martyr status for people killed during Madhesi Movement (Forum activits) and closing all the cases included the Gaur massacre case.

The Madhesi movement which, as is believed broadly in Nepal and elsewhere, emerged on Indian support, started degenerating quickly.  For India it had served its purpose and considering the geopolitics pros and cons India could not afford to feed another LTTE. The Forum began to shatter and in five years nothing remained of its 2007 avatar.

The Maoists fancied their chances on the ruins of the Forum. They thought they could fill the void left by the Forum. However, the Madhesi people thought otherwise. Instead of showing confidence in the Maoists they chose their old friends. The Nepali Congress was able to win back its lost territory. Baring a small period, the Madhes had always been a stronghold of the Nepali Congress. Hence, the Maoists’ gamble in Madhes didn’t pay.

Secondly, the Maoists tasted defeat because they ignored their own cadre. In Nepal, it is the cadre who win election for a party. The Maoists completely sidelined their cadre’s aspirations. They traded tickets for money and might. Thus, the alienated cadre didn’t whole heartedly campaign for the party. In few places there were news of revolts too.

Lastly, the split in the party was the most important reason for its defeat. In 2012, a strong faction of the party led by senior leader Mohan Baidya ‘Kiran’ split to revive the old ideals of the party. They named the new party, the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPNM). The new party ably united all those who either felt that the old party had deviated from its goal or who felt ignored by its leadership. The majority of the people who extended their support to the new party were the same people who formed the main base of the People’s Liberation Army of the Maoist party and worked in the ground during the Maoist movement. These people know nothing but to ceaselessly work, as they claim, for the people. Since 2008 there were very few leaders who visited their respective constituencies. The people were outraged with their representatives. Sensing the opportunity, the new party immediately began to fill the leadership gap. In less than a year the party became a force to reckon with. It organized many successful bands (shut downs) and forced the government to initiate dialogue and later it led the election boycott movement with relative success.

It was not that the UPNM did not know the ground reality. It did. Based on the reports from its members it decided to concentrate on the Madhes instead of its old stronghold in the hills. Many big leaders filed their nomination from more than one place. Even big shots like Prachanda and Baburam Bhattarai contested from two places. And wisely so, because both of them lost one of the seats they contested. Prachanda lost from Kathmandu 10 and Baburam failed to win from Rupandehi 4.

Post election, it is too early to predict anything for UCPNM. During its long existence in Nepal’s political theater it has seen many ups and downs. However, in the present crisis it is without its old guards who have always sailed it through. The present leadership mainly consists of those who either joined the party in the middle of the movement or after. Of course there are people who fought the battles but they still don’t actually possess the political depth required to deal in the time of crisis. Hence it will be wise to just say that after the election the battle of survival for the Maoists has just began.

V.S.

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नेपाल का माओवादी आन्दोलन और जातीय मुक्ति का प्रश्न

Posted by chimeki on February 22, 2013

Photo courtesy: International Dalit Solidarity Network

Photo courtesy: International Dalit Solidarity Network

अभी हाल तक नेपाल में जातीय और राष्ट्रीय मुक्ति आंदोलनों का कोई स्वतंत्र अस्तित्व नहीं था. आम अवधारणा यह थी कि जातीय मुक्ति के प्रश्न को निरंकुश राजतंत्र विरोधी संघर्ष के साथ जोड़ कर देखा जाना चाहिए और निरंकुश तंत्र के खात्मे के साथ संवैधानिक सुधार के जरिए इसे हल किया जाना चाहिए.

धरती के जिस भूभाग में वर्तमान नेपाल अवस्थित है वहा हिंदु धर्म का संस्थागत विस्तार/विकास 18वीं सदी में शुरू हुआ. भारत में इस्लामी शासन से आक्रांत हिदु राजाओं ने हिमालय में आश्रय लिया और अपने लिए रियासतों को संगठित किया. एक लंबे अंतराल बाद, जब मुगल सत्ता विखंडित होना शुरू हई, तो नेपाल की इन रियासतों ने विस्तार करने का आत्मविश्वास प्राप्त कर लिया. 18वीं सदी के मध्य में पृथ्वी नारायण शाह ने इस भूभाग की कई छोटी बड़ी रियासतों को एक कर वर्तमान नेपाल का स्वरूप दिया. पृथ्वी नारायण शाह ने ही नेपाल में हिंदु धर्म को संस्थागत किया.

शुरू में नेपाल के हिंदुकरण का स्वरूप प्रशासनिक था लेकिन बाद में इसे, राजनीतिक कारणों से, पहचान के साथ जोड़ कर देखा जाने लगा. इससे नेपाल के शासक को यह फायदा था कि वह अंग्रेजों के सामने स्वयं को हिंदुस्तान के अंग्रेज विरोधी मुस्लिम शासकों से अलग दिखा कर एक सहयोगी की तरह प्रस्तुत कर सकता था.

नेपाली भूभाग में जनता का हिंदुकरण मुख्यतः 1768 और 1950 के बीच हुआ. पृथ्वीनारायण शाह ने नेपाल को सबसे पहले हिंदु फ्रेम में डालने का प्रयास किया. अपने ‘दिव्यउपदेश’ में, जो आगे चल कर नेपाल के प्रशासनतंत्र का आधार बना, पृथ्वीनारायण शाह ने नेपाल को ‘चार वर्णों और 36 जाति की फुलवारी’ कहा. इसी ‘दिव्यउपदेश’ में अपनी जनता को उन्होनें ‘भारतीय’ लोगों के संपर्क न बनाने की हिदायत भी दी और नेपाल को ‘असली’ हिंदोस्तान कहा. 1854 में जातीय विभाजन को कानूनी रूप दे दिया गया. ये संयोग ही है कि जब भारत में जातीय शोषण को ज्योतिबा फुले चुनौती दे रहे थे तब उसके उत्तर में इसे संस्थागत किया जा रहा था.

1950 में नेपाल में राणाशाही का अंत हुआ लेकिन इसने राज्य सत्ता के ढांचे को यथावत रखा. ये दौर नेपाल के इतिहास का उथलपुथल का दौर भी था. इस दौर में लोकतंत्रवादी शक्तियां, जिसका नेतृत्व मुख्यतः कांग्रेस पार्टी कर रही थी, और राजावादी शक्तियों के बीच जबर्दस्त टकराव हुआ. सांमती मानसिकता में जकड़ा कांग्रेसी नेतृत्व नेपाल के बहुसंख्यक जनता को गोलबंद करने में पूरी तरह नाकाम रहा जिसने राजतंत्र शक्तिशाली होने का अवसर दिया. महज दस वर्ष के बहुदलीय प्रयोग के बाद राजा महेंद्र ने लोकतांत्रिक दलों को प्रतिबंध करते हुए बहुदलीय व्यवस्था के अंत की घोषणा के साथ निरंकुश पंचायत राज की शुरूआत कर दी. पंचायति राज में हिंदुकरण को राजकीय प्रशय दिया गया. 1962 के संविधान में नेपाल को हिंदु राष्ट्र घोषित कर दिया गया. 1990 में नेपाल में एक बार फिर से आंदोलन भड़का और नेपाल को पुनः बहुदलीय राजतंत्र घोषित कर दिया गया.

नेपाल के इतिहास का संक्षिप्त परिचय देने का उद्देश्य यह बताना है कि नेपाल में 1996 में शुरू इुए माओवादी आंदोलन से पहले किसी भी आंदोलन में दलित और अन्य उत्पीड़ीत जातियों/राष्ट्रीताओं का सवाल राजनीति के केंद्र में नहीं रहा. नेपाल के संसाधनों में सर्वण सामंती जातियों का अधिकार एक लंबे समय तक बना रहा/है.

माओवादी आंदोलन और जातीय सवाल

1996 में शुरू हुए माओवादी आंदोलन, जिसका प्रमुख राजनीतिक स्वरूप सशस्त्र संघर्ष था, ने जातीय मुक्त के सवाल को नेपाल की राजनीति के केंद्र में ला दिया. ‘भूमि जोतने वालो की’ की मान्यता के तहत इसने लोगों का ध्रुवीकरण किया. माओवादी आंदोलन की सफलता यह थी कि इसने लोगों में विश्वास पैदा किया कि नेपाल का स्वतंत्र अस्तित्व हिंदुवादी सामंती राजतंत्र के बिना भी बचा रह सकता है. अन्य पार्टियों के बरअक्स, कांग्रेस-एमाले, इसने नेपाल के अस्तित्व के लिए हिंदु राजतंत्र की अनिवार्यता को ही सिरे से खारिज कर दिया और जातीय और वर्गीय आधार पर लोगों को एक करने का सफल प्रयोग किया. इसी के परिणाम स्वरूप नेपाल में इस आंदोलन ने अपना विस्तार तेजी किया. लंबे समय तक राजनीति से बेदखल लोगों की मांग को माओवादी आंदोलन नेपाली राजनीति के केंद्र में ला कर राजतंत्र को चुनौती दी. इसने ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों से सामंतवाद की जड़ों को काटा और उत्पीडि़त जाति/राष्ट्रीयता की स्वायत्त सरकार का निमार्ण कर प्रशासनिक कार्य करने, निणर्य लेने का आत्मविश्वास दिया. 2006 में नेपाल में राजतंत्र के अंत के साथ उत्पीडि़त जातियों के संघर्ष के दूसरे चरण की शरूआत हो चुकी है. 2006 के बाद जातिय आंदोलन पारंपरिक पार्टियों के प्रश्रय से मुक्त हो कर अपनी स्वतंत्र पहलकदमी लेने लगे हैं. जातिय आधार पर संघियता की मांग नेपाल में आज एक प्रमुख मांग बन गई है और इसकी अवहेलना करने वाली पार्टीयों को अपने अस्तित्व के लिए संघर्ष करना पड़ रहा है.

यह सारा विकास नेपाल की माओवादी आंदोलन की सफलता का परिणाम है. 2008 में गठित संविधान सभा में 49 दलित प्रतिनिधि थे. नेपाल के इतिहास में यह एक अभूतपूर्व परिघटना है. इससे पहले शायद एक ही बार कोई दलित संसदीय चुनाव में विजयी हुआ था. माओवादी पार्टी के संविधान सभा में 21 दलित सांसद थे जिसमें में से सात निर्वाचित सदस्य थे और 14 मनोनीत. अन्य पार्टियों से एक भी निर्वाचित सांसद नहीं था.

अंत में इस बात को दावे के साथ कहा जा सकता है कि नेपाल में जातिय आंदोलन ने अपना एक चरण पूरा कर दूसरे चरण में प्रवेश कर लिया है. हाल में माओवादी पार्टी में हुआ विभाजन इस बात का साफ संकेत है. जहां एक और प्रचण्ड के नेतृत्व वाली माओवादी पार्टी ने आंदोलन को तिलांजलि देकर संसदीय राजनीति को पूरी तरह से आत्मसात कर लिया है वही किरण के नेतृत्व वाली माओवादी पार्टी ने जातीय और वर्गीय मुक्ति के सवाल को जनवाद के साथ जोड़ कर आगे बढ़ने का फैसला किया है. भारत के साठ सालों का अनुभव से नेपाल की उत्पीडि़त जातियां सबक ले सकती है. उन्हें यह समझना चाहिए कि संवैधानिक सुधार पूर्ण मुक्ति का रास्ता नहीं है और संसदीय बर्जुआ राजनीति, जातीय उत्पीड़न को खत्म नहीं करती बल्कि यह जातीय प्रश्न को सत्ता के साथ ‘बारगेन’ करने का साधन बना देती है. और जातीय मुक्ति का प्रश्न वर्गीय मुक्ति के साथ अनिवार्यतः जुड़ हुआ है.

वि.श.

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‘Nepal is Heading Towards a Bright Future’

Posted by chimeki on January 2, 2013

In September 2012 Dharmendra Bastola ‘Kanchan’, politburo member of Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist, was in New Delhi. The United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) had recently split and political atmosphere was heavily charged. Nepal watchers were on their feet to see which way the new party moved. Amidst, guesses and speculations Mr. Bastola, who was obviously very busy with his engagements, spared some time to speak on situation in Nepal. He made some very important observations. He denied going the old route of People’s War and also put forward his party’s positions on recently dissolved Constituent Assembly. His party, he suggested, wanted a round table conference of all the stake holders in Nepal to end the deadlock.  

Dharmendra Bastola ‘Kanchan’ with Vishnu Sharma

On Nepal

Dharmendra Bastola

Dharmendra Bastola

Q. Where is Nepal Heading?

DB: It is a complicated question. Nepal is demanding a constitution. A people’s constitution. Currently, there are two forces in Nepal. One is the progressive force which is demanding a constitution of the people for a forward going Nepalese society. There is another force too. This force is trying to hook off the forward going process and stop the country from getting new constitution. This force is trying to introduce an old type of constitution, which will continue Nepal’s position as semi-feudal, semi-colonial society. In this condition, there are two possibilities. One is that these parties will be convinced that Nepal needs a new constitution, the constitution for the people. For this, they will come forward themselves. If that does not happen and regressive forces try to hold the country to the same old state, the country will once more go in a struggle. Like mass uprising or mass struggle by which people will establish their rights, people’s constitution and an egalitarian democratic society. These are the possibilities, however, right now, no one can say where Nepal is going. In my opinion Nepal is heading towards a bright future.

Q. What kind of “Bright future”?

DB: Bright future of getting people’s constitution, a forward going society and it will get national independence, sovereignty. It is going to solve the underlying contradictions of its society such as the contradictions of nationality, independence, livelihood and democracy.

Q. There seems to be no agreement among the political parties of Nepal on the current deadlock. Who do you think is responsible for this mess?

DB: Of course there is no agreement. As I have mentioned earlier there are two forces playing in Nepal. One is very regressive, backward and reactionary. These forces are inside every parliamentary party.

Q. When you say regressive, backward and reactionary forces, do you mean to suggest your former colleagues too?

DB: I think it is not appropriate to mention anyone by name as it can be understood by everyone from their political stand and point of views. What we are trying to do is to win over those forces for the forward going progressive society and progressive constitution. In that case it would not be appropriate to underline or name. Nevertheless, now it is our party only which is standing on the agenda of people’s interest that we have been raising for last 10-15 years. For which there had been people’s war, for which we came in peace process, for which we tried to write a constitution from the Constituent Assemble, for which we have been demanding national independence, democracy and livelihood for the people. This is our stand and other parties are lagging behind. They are not meeting the demands and are not committed to the commitments they had made in the past.

Q. So what solution do you offer?

DB: The solution we are offering is round table conference to reach an agreement. The agreement can be one-point, two-point or five-point so on, so forth. But that agreement should address nationality, democracy and livelihood of the people. And that agreement cannot be for the old type of constitution and backward, semi-feudal-semi-feudal society. It cannot be for the neo-colonial Nepal.

Q. Will other parties agree to your proposal?

DB: The parties are agreeing to the round table conference but only to the level of discussion. They are still to come to the level of consensus and agreement. We are still to see if they come to that kind of agreement.

On Split with Former Party

Q. There seems to be no fundamental differences between your party and United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). Can you justify the split?

DB: For the onlookers it seems there are no fundamental differences but there are basic and fundamental differences. And the differences are: the old party has deviated from the principle, from the commitment, from the theory and principle. It has given up on line, the line of standing in favour of the people. They had given up the stand that the party previously had. That is the main thing and now we have been standing for that line, we are for a progressive society. They are lagging behind the old parliamentary parties and their effort to bring other parties in the line of constitutionalizing republic is now abandoned. We want to preserve the achievements, they are spoiling these achievements. These all are the differences. The basic difference is they have abandoned the line. They have plunged down the country into a regressive, parliamentarian, feudal and neo colonial society.

Q. But Dr. Baburam Bhattarai himself talks about preserving the past achievements?

DB: That is always the case when a regressive or reactionary force comes in power. For example, in 1950 when the King Tribhuvan came into power through India’s intervention he too talked about the saving the past achievements of the struggle. Although the achievements were of the people and their leadership but the king and the Rana regime seized or hijacked them. After that in 1980s there was a struggle and that struggle was also hijacked by King Birendra. He too talked about preserving the achievements of past struggle. Moreover, in 1990, there was a big struggle and the monarchy was transformed into constitutional monarchy. Then again, the Monarchy was made the vanguard or an institution to save the achievements of the 1990’s movement! Similarly, now the lackeys and stooges of bourgeoisies and reactionary elements of Nepal, who Dr Bhattarai represents, are claiming to represent  and preserve the interest of the struggle, however, the reality is, Dr. Bhattarai has already spoiled, given up and liquidated the entire achievements of the people by not giving the constitution, by not establishing the federal republic of Nepal, and by illegitimately seizing power by being the prime minister. And he is deliberately blocking the forward going political process. So, it is just a farce to say that he is preserving the achievements of the great people’s war. Of course, he was also in the party and fought together but now he has liquidated into feudalism and authoritarianism. So he does not represent people’s interest, he doesn’t represent the elements that could represent the interest of the masses and the achievements of the people’s war.

Q. On the 10th of this month C.P. Gajurel ‘Gaurav’, your party’s vice-chairman, submitted a 70-point demand letter to the government of Nepal. The 40 out of the 70 demands are those, which you had submitted in 1995 before the initiation of the people’s war. However, the prime minister claimed that everything then demanded has been achieved and that was why the Maoists abandoned the people’s war. What is your reaction?

DB: The statement is completely misleading. We have only achieved the Republic. Nothing else. For example, we had demanded: abrogation of 1950 treaty; 1965 secret agreement that monopolized India in Nepal and made Nepal a suzerain state. It jeopardized Nepal’s economy. Next, we had demanded steps to develop national economy. Now, after signing BIPPA (Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement) in 2011 it is deteriorated further. At the time of submitting the 40-point agreement we were a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country but now our country has been plunged into neo-colonial country. Because of that we have, this time, forwarded 70-point demand letter. Dr. Bhattarai is lying. He is cheating the people. Except for one demand that is Republic no other demand is fulfilled. National economy is not developed. Nothing is being done on the question of national independence. There is no democracy in the country. Dr. Bhattarai has plunged the country into bureaucratic autocracy. The people are without a constitution. Further, the Nepalese resources are sold to the monopoly capitalists. The country’s condition is more deteriorated than what it was before Dr. Bhattarai took over as the prime minister.

Q. The UCPNM is talking about the unity with you. Is there any chance of unification?

DB: There is a chance provided they give up reactionary line and come up in the revolutionary line. In that condition unity is possible.

Q. In 1995 your party, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), submitted the 40-point demand to the government of Nepal and immediately launched the people’s war. On 10 of September 2012 you again submitted a 70 point demand letter to the government. Will you take the same course?

DB: No, I don’t think we will take the same course. The situation is totally different and developed now. We are calling the parliamentary parties as well as neo-revisionist party of Prachanda to come forward for the constitution, for the interest of the masses of the people, national sovereignty, to address the problem of national independence and livelihood. If these parties don’t agree to the agenda of a forward going progressive society we will definitely go to the masses of people. It can be a movement like the previous 19-days movement and throw the lackeys and stooges of monopoly capitalism, feudal and bureaucratic capitalists and the people’s power will be established.

Q. Will you then unite with the pro-monarchy forces?

DB: Because the monarchy is already abolished so uniting with it is out of question. The monarchy doesn’t have any line. There is no question of unity with an abolished force rather this kind of forces which are national traitors; bureaucratic capitalists can raise head in this or that name to destroy the achievements of the struggle of the people. We are vigilant about their conspiracy and efforts to take the country backwards.

On India

Dharmendra Bastola2Q. In the 70-point letter there are more than 30 demands directly or indirectly related to India. How do you see India’s role in Nepal after Peace Process began in 2006?

DB: India’s role has been two sided. On the one side it is helping the ruling class on the other it is suppressing the Nepalese people. For example it is intervening in politics, economy and every sector of social life. The regime is going against the people. So, what we ask the Indian ruling class is that they should understand that Nepalese people want freedom, sovereignty, democracy, development, peace and progress in Nepal. India’s role has always been against the Nepalese people.

Q. Does your party consider India an enemy?

DB: No, we don’t consider India as enemy. Obviously, we do question its policy in Nepal. Nepal has been neo-colonized and this neo-colonial status of Nepal is basically in relation to India. Nepal is India’s neo-colony. We disagree on this, and we question this policy. We never consider India as enemy. It is our neighboring country and we believe in establishing a cordial and friendly relation with India. But any such relation can only be maintained by recognizing Nepal as a free and independent country. Plus, Nepal should be allowed to develop national economy, sovereignty. The relationship must be developed to this level. So, we want cordial relationship with the people of India, government of India but present status of relationship is not on that level.

Q. Do you have any kind of relationship with the Indian Maoists?

DB: We have an ideological-political relationship. We don’t have any other relationship. We had relationship during the time of decade long people’s war. That too was ideological-political relationship and nothing more than that.

Q. My last question is: does your party believe in democracy?

DB: Of course, our total struggle is for democracy and we say that those who claim to be democrats are in essence dictators. The parliamentary system is a sheer dictatorship that can be seen in the entire world. Thousands of people are killed in the name of democracy; thousands are suffering from hunger and malnutrition. This all in the name of democracy. This kind of freedom is a freedom for exploitation, it is a freedom to kill people, it is a freedom to loot, rob and exploit. This kind of freedom is not a democracy. It’s a dictatorship. It is a monopoly capitalists’, imperialist’s dictatorship. Of course we want to destroy this kind of dictatorship and establish democracy of the people. I want to assure that only the communists, the Maoists are the real democrats. Their democracy is for the people, for the people of all nationalities and for the people of the world. So, we are the only people who believe in democracy. The rest are dictators. Their dictatorship is supported by the power of military, police, judiciary and accumulated property.

V.S.

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